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By Linda Briskin, Mona Eliasson

Women's Organizing and Public coverage in Canada and Sweden highlights the influence of women's organizing at the framing and imposing of public coverage, the reconstituting of discourse, and the practices of unions, political events, and the nation. It examines the suggestions girls have used to arrange themselves as a vocal and politicized constituency. In so doing, it stretches definitions of organizing and of political perform, politicizes the social and the non-public, and expands conceptions of service provider. evaluating Sweden and Canada permits the mechanisms at paintings in every one society to emerge extra essentially, hard what's frequently taken without any consideration. individuals comprise Christina Bergqvist (Uppsala, Sweden), Linda Briskin, Barbara Cameron (York, Canada), Marianne Carlsson (Uppsala, Sweden), Rebecca Priegert Coulter (University of Western Ontario, Canada), Mona Eliasson, Georgina Feldberg (York, Canada), Sue Findlay (private student, Canada), Lena Gonäs (National Institute for operating existence, Sweden), Wuokko Knocke (National Institute for operating lifestyles, Sweden), Catharina Landström (Linkoping, Sweden), Colleen Lundy (Carleton, Canada), Rianne Mahon (Carleton, Canada), Chantal Maillé (Concordia, Canada), Roxana Ng (Ontario Institute for experiences in schooling, Canada), Becki Ross (University of British Columbia, Canada), Lena Wängnerud (Göteborg, Sweden), and Inga Wernersson (Göteborg, Sweden).

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Foucault expands the domain of the political to include a heterogeneous ensemble of power relations operating at the micro-level of society. 8)31 If "resistance must be carried out in local struggles," local impacts must also be more fully assessed. 8 Linda Briskin however, does not mean privileging the local over the larger structural forces at work. Rather, it calls for a solid recognition of both and highlights the need to understand better the impact of the local, often undocumented, organizing by women, not just on the local context but on structural and discursive realities, a topic taken up in the final section of this chapter.

For example, Coulter and Wernersson note that, in the past, struggles for educational equity have made excellent use of the discourses and resources of the state; however, changing state forms may require a more oppositional politic in the realm of education. The fact that globalization and corporate rule are seriously undermining the role of national states in areas of reproduction, at the same time as they transform workplace organization and household responsibilities, suggests that women's organizing in the next millennium will need to shift direction away from both its focus and its reliance on the state.

11 Knocke and Ng note that in Sweden the state's receptivity has led to collaboration between immigrant women's groups and the government; in Canada such relations have been contentious and confrontational. 12 Nevertheless, despite a view of the state as antagonistic and unresponsive, Canadian feminisms have continued to make demands on it. In Canada the lack of representation and responsiveness, the sharper separation of state and civil society, and the relative weakness of both the union movement and social democracy (in the form of the NDP) have provided a strong impetus and more space for autonomous, community-based movements.

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