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By Mary Langan

Deals a brand new point of view on feminist social paintings which takes account of the complexity of the manifold oppressions that have an effect on the lives of most ladies and such a lot social paintings consumers.

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Et al. (1981), The Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism: Towards a More Progressive Union in L. ), The Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism, A Debate on Class and Patriarchy (London: Pluto Press). Hooks, B. (1982), Ain’t I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism (London: Pluto Press). Hooks, B. (1984), Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center (Boston: South End Press). 30 Lesley Day Hooks, B. (1986), ‘Sisterhood: political solidarity between women’, Feminist Review 23. Howe, D. (1986), ‘The segregation of women and their work in the personal social services’, Critical Social Policy 15.

The argument that black families cannot be conceived of as anti-social is a complex and contradictory one. Black feminists point to black women’s positive experiences of family life, where alliances and relationships are forged on the basis of a common recognition of, and resistance to, racism. This does not mean that they ignore the sexism of black men or that they fail to recognize the fact that the ideology of mother/ wife roles is oppressive to black women as well as white women (Amos and Parmar 1984).

Similarly, in the child care system, the over-representation of black children in care and the underrecruitment of black foster parents (Ahmed, Cheetham and Small 1986) suggest that the black family is treated differently. The paradox is, however, that the sanctity of the black family, and particularly Asian families, may be invoked when assumptions are made by social welfare agencies that these households are self-supporting. In addition, women’s needs as carers of dependent members of their families are likely to remain ignored (Williams 1987).

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