By Rudyard Griffiths
Canadians have come to embody their kingdom as a “postmodern state”—a country that downplays its heritage and makes few calls for on its electorate, permitting them to locate their allegiances the place they may—in their zone, their ethnic historical past or the language they converse. The thought of a Canadian nationwide id, with shared obligations and a typical objective, is taken into account outdated, even an obstacle in a without borderlines global of transnational economies, resurgent areas and international immigration.
In his well timed and provocative booklet Who We Are, Rudyard Griffiths argues that this imaginative and prescient of Canada is an highbrow and useful lifeless finish. with no robust nationwide identification, and strong Canadian civic values and engagement, the rustic might be difficult pressed to fulfill the daunting demanding situations that lie forward: the social expenditures of an getting older inhabitants, the unavoidable results of world warming and the fallout of a dysfunctional immigration system.
What’s wanted is a rediscovery of the founding ideas that made Canada the state it's this present day, center values that may shape a civic creed for our personal instances. In a passionate name to revitalize our shared Canadian citizenship, Griffiths reminds us of who we're, what we’ve complete and why a
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Additional info for Who We Are: A Citizen's Manifesto
The trade, after all, could not be eliminated; it remained of critical economic importance. In the first half of the eighteenth century, it was also becoming clear that the presence of French traders in the Northwest had a broader political significance—they maintained Indian-French alliances and a French presence in lands that might otherwise be taken over by British Hudson's Bay Company traders to the north and Anglo-American traders to 6 Strangers in Blood the south. The French had lost any claim to Hudson Bay with the signing of the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713; but they still could, and did, make their influence felt in the areas around and beyond the Great Lakes.
French fur trade activities were inextricably linked with colonial economic and political affairs and with the growing pains of a youthful and expanding settlement. The British, in contrast, were spared the complications and costs of colonization in Hudson Bay. But they faced other problems in conducting their trade from so great a distance. Lacking an established New World base, the early company directors were much handicapped by their unfamiliarity with local conditions and native peoples. Accordingly, while both the British and the French initially attempted to conduct the fur trade through royally chartered, monopolistic companies, these companies followed differing courses to differing fates.
When company critics used the term, however, in the 1749 parliamentary The Backgrounds and Antecedents of the British Traders 19 inquiry, they clearly had in mind the substantial agricultural developments achieved in other colonial areas. The company, they charged, had not tried "to settle any Plantation or Colony, in any Part of that vast Tract of Land" and had "not improved or cultivated above 4 Acres of Land about all their Factories" (Great Britain 1749: 26, 10). By the early eighteenth century, company men were also making idiosyncratic use of another British place term.