By Kim Eling (auth.)
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This has been the case of culture since 1981 . . '. Ministerial autonomy, here, is severely circumscribed; however, there is still scope for effective policy formulation by the minister. 4 The sixth and final model discussed by Elgie, `bureaucratic co-ordination', describes a situation where `the political elements of the core executive have little or no control over the contents of policy decisions' and `policy choices are determined by the bureaucratic elements of the core executive' (Elgie, 1993, p.
In short, there are limits to the applicability of much of the literature on state-group relations to the area of cultural policy. However, even if there are, prima facie, strong dissimilarities between economic or industrial policy and arts funding, the models we have described may be useful analytical tools. Specifically, with regard to the question of `autonomy', or its absence, in the case of subsidized institutions, financial dependence on the state cannot be taken as indicative by itself of a particular distribution of bargaining resources between an institution and a governmental agency.
According to the fifth model described by Elgie, `ministerial government', `the Minister is the chief policy-maker in his/her particular area and, when compared with the variants analyzed previously, the role of the President and the Prime Minister is much reduced' (Elgie, 1993, p. 32). In support of this claim, the model points, in particular, to the absence of a tradition of collective cabinet authority in France; to the weight of a minister's personal cabinet in dealings with the ministerial bureaucracy and with other parts of the core executive; to the high degree of administrative centralization within a ministry and not least, a minister's effective powers of appointment with regard to the heads of a ministry's directions; and to the importance of a ministry's territorial field services in policy implementation.