By Sarah Oates
Sarah Oates gives a detailed examination on a crucial subject in political technology: the connection among democracy and the mass media. this crucial e-book features a wealth of data and data, together with: public opinion surveys, content material research of tv information, concentration teams and in-depth interviews to check why political events and the mass media failed so spectacularly to assist within the building of a democratic procedure in Russia. The research provides compelling proof that tv helped to song out democracy because it served as a device for leaders instead of a conduit of data within the carrier of the citizens or events. moreover, concentration teams and surveys exhibit that the Russian audience are usually more well-off with authority instead of fact in tv coverage.
Within this framework, this fascinating work offers the vibrant historical past of events, elections and tv in the course of probably the most serious eras in Russian heritage and captures a very major epoch in contemporary Russian politics.
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Extra info for Television Democracy Elections in Russia (Basees Routledge Series on Russian and East European Studies)
It was Article 6 of the Soviet constitution that reserved the role of the “leading and guiding force of the Soviet society and the nucleus of its political system” for the Communist Party. Thus, the CPSU was to give a “planned, systematic and theoretically substantiated character” to the struggle for the “victory of communism” (Article 6), that is, by controlling all of the mass media to ensure they supported the party completely. There was some dissident media; notably foreign radio stations sponsored by the US government, as well as hand-circulated sheets of political dissent called samizdat (self-publication).
A far more serious problem in Russia is the complete lack of attention to the legal requirement for fair From Soviet to post-Soviet media 29 treatment, particularly on state-run television channels. Studies by the European Institute for the Media, this author and others have found both quantitative and qualitative bias toward certain candidates and parties throughout Russian television (European Institute for the Media, 1994, February 1996, September 1996, March 2000, August 2000; Helvey and Oates, 1998; Oates and Roselle, 2000).
It is possible to make inferences about the Soviet audience during this era and the assumption has generally been that audience was profoundly changed by these experiences. Instead of being passive, albeit attentive, consumers of the news, the media model had switched from a “top-down” system to one that catered to the interests and needs of the public. But was there a fundamental alteration in the audience? It was enormously difficult to tell because of the pace of the changes sparked by glasnost.