By James DeNardo
This booklet explores the common sense of fight among radical pursuits and incumbent regimes, and develops a normal conception of approach in protests, uprisings, and rebellions.
Originally released in 1985.
The Princeton Legacy Library makes use of the most recent print-on-demand know-how to back make on hand formerly out-of-print books from the celebrated backlist of Princeton collage Press. those paperback variations look after the unique texts of those vital books whereas featuring them in sturdy paperback variants. The target of the Princeton Legacy Library is to greatly raise entry to the wealthy scholarly background present in the hundreds of thousands of books released via Princeton collage Press due to the fact that its founding in 1905.
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Additional resources for Power in Numbers: The Political Strategy of Protest and Rebellion
The shape of the responsiveness map can be surmised, however, by observing the regime's reactions to demonstrations. This method is precisely how most dissident groups go about estimating the responsiveness of their opponents and the amount of support they need to reach their goal. In no sense, then, is the responsiveness map an empty theoretical abstraction devoid of operational significance. Additional Notes on Responsiveness SOMETIMES we shall be able to confine our attention to limited sections of the responsiveness map, without elaborating the entire structure.
We use the term government here in a general way to denote the institutional arrangement of power in a ruling organization. The incumbent ad ministration occupying those institutions will be called a regime. Taken in this broad sense, the terms might describe a military command, a clerical body, or a university administration, as well as civil govern ments in the usual sense. 1 1 The spatial analogy has a number of fruitful applications in politics and economics, including spatial theories of electoral competition.
In any event, the usefulness of this approach clearly depends on our ability to rank the different tactics radical groups might use according to how violent they seem in a particular political culture. This task no doubt requires ex pertise and political sensitivity, but it is surely feasible in principle. Armed with our twofold characterization of disruption, we can now represent the entire universe of possible demonstrations as points in a three-dimensional space whose coordinate axes describe the targets of the protests as well as their disruptiveness.