By E. Comor
This volumes examines commodity intake either as an ongoing challenge for capital and a fancy mediator of the post-Cold warfare political economic system. Comor assesses intake as a center yet contradictory nodal aspect in modern international (dis)order advancements arguing that capitalist consumption--as a political, fiscal and sociological institution--facilitates efforts to rule via consent. notwithstanding, due to its constitutive impression, intake additionally mediates how vested pursuits (e.g., the yank kingdom and its rivals) conceptualize fascinating, possible, and that you can imagine suggestions.
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Additional resources for Consumption and the Globalization Project: International Hegemony and the Annihilation of Time (International Political Economy)
Almost everywhere the state now is mandated to maintain, if not to promulgate, the rights of individual producers and consumers (especially corporate producers and consumers) rather than the Fordist/Keynesian recognition of the reproductive needs of capitalism in toto. 26 Not surprisingly, this neoliberal state, in its structural empowerment of capital, has fewer ‘off the shelf’ resources available to it – resources needed to buffer the deleterious implications of globalization and maintain the infrastructures that keep the project going.
Beyond this, we believe that the widening and deepening institutionalization of capitalist consumption has an important influence on the normalization of an ahistorical, acritical mindset. Consumption and hegemonic order Gramsci recognized that as long as a political economic system delivers what most believe to be fundamental rights and essential goods, resistance movements (and the sustained collective consciousness they need to be successful) generally can be contained. Resistance, expressed in various ways, may well trigger significant reforms.
Instead, inaction also may be the outcome of a set of conditions that don’t allow prospective grievances to be expressed or heard. Neither the one- nor the two-dimensional approach enables us to adequately address a concern raised at the outset of our book: acquiescence in the face of demonstrable global disparities. Following two decades of economic liberalization, the opening up of borders to capital and trade, and what has been called a transnational communications revolution, the ‘developed’ world now is characterised by summits of wealth dotted by a patchwork of poverty, and the ‘developing’ world by islands of affluence amidst seas of impoverishment.