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By Carol M. Eastman

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E. pairs for whom there is no unmarked code. Specifically, she is concerned with English-speaking American students who have learned German in Germany. When these are matched for sex, class, socio-economic factors etc. what happens? '. . in the absence of shared norms for code choice and for the interpretation of choices (the absence of "parochial pragmatics," as Green [1990] puts it), speakers are thrown back on universal pragmatic principles for the interpretation of their exploratory moves' (p.

Be seen to be accountable to national and school policy, as mitigated by the immediate cognitive concerns of the classroom lessons' (p. 107). g. a teacher says the same thing three times in three different languages ('close your book' and 'you're not all participating'). ' in English). It appears that Swahili is used to get student attention with English to carry the rest of the content. Where the same thing is repeated in the different languages, English is used first. g. the Swahili word matunga is used, barring any exact English equivalent term for this food made of intestines).

Echoing the preceding papers in this volume, Goyvaerts sees codeswitching data as providing social as well as linguistic information. His goal is to use code-switching data to reveal social parameters. In Bukavu people mix French, Swahili, Shi and Lingala inter- and intra-sententially. Re-iterating Myers-Scotton's earlier markedness model of codeswitching (Myers-Scotton, 1983), Goyvaerts describes how codeswitching is used in Bukavu to encode power and solidarity. Myers-Scotton's model places power in the speaker who, in speaking, reveals multiple identities and may purposely engender an ambiguous response or interpretation on the part of the hearer/addressee.

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