By Filomeno V. Aguilar Jr.
This article illuminates the oral traditions of the Philippines and the convergence of capitalism and the indigenous spirit global. the writer examines the social kinfolk, cultural meanings and political struggles surrounding the increase of sugar haciendas on Negros throughout the overdue Spanish colonial interval, and their next transformation lower than the aegis of the yankee colonial country. Drawing on oral historical past, interviews and a wide range of resources culled from files in Spain, the us, the uk and the Philippines, the writer reconstructs the emergence of a sugar-planter classification and its strategic maneuvers to achieve hegemony. The booklet portrays neighborhood actors taking an lively position in shaping the exterior forces that impinge on their lives. It examines hacienda lifestyles from the indigenous viewpoint of magic and spirit ideals, reinterpreting a number of severe levels of Philippine historical past within the method. through examining mythic stories as bearers of historic recognition, the writer explores the complicated interactions among neighborhood tradition, international interventions, and capitalist industry forces.
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About two decades later, there were as many as thirty-nine merchant houses in Filipinas, at least a dozen of them decidedly foreign companies (Benitez 1954, 233; Cushner 1971, 198). 20 Numerically, the corps of foreign merchants had become a more visible component of colonial society, they who had previously formed the despicable Protestant/Masonic fringe. Their numbers would grow and their activities pervade colonial society even more. But how was the prevailing negative attitude, not least by the native, toward foreigners-qua-Protestants decisively overcome?
The capitalist penetration of the colony was thus seen by the natives as a contest between contending cosmic forces, the resolution of which was dictated by sheer might. In many ways, the native’s view of a clash of spirits that pitted foreign merchant capitalists with Friar Power was consistent with the political and economic rivalry taking place among Western powers. That the backward colony would resist merchant capitalism with a show of force was also congruent with the Marxist notion of an opposition between capitalist and precapitalist modes of producing and reproducing social life.
In condemning a book published in Philadelphia, the Mexican Inquisition in 1794 derisively referred to the writer as “a bankrupt merchant” who traded in “sublime goods” that consisted of “impiety and insolence” toward both “royal authority” and “divine will” (Greenleaf 1991, 258). The resurgent inquisitorial mood engendered the blurring of conceptual boundaries: foreign merchants, religious heretics, and treasonous agitators became intertwined and indistinguishable. With disloyalty to the Crown becoming a new canon of the General Edicts of Faith in 1752, the Holy Ofﬁce in the viceroyalty of Mexico was increasingly used for political repression.